A group known as the Concerned Plateau Fulani Forum (CPFF) has alleged that Fulani people in Plateau State have also been victims of what it describes as “Fulani and cattle genocide,” claiming that more than 3,000 Fulani men, women, and children, as well as over 10,000 cows, have been killed or stolen in the last decade across several local government areas.
The group made the allegations in a statement issued on Saturday in Jos by its National Coordinator, Saleh Haruna. The CPFF reaction comes barely days after Christian leaders, including Rev. Ezekiel Dachomo, renewed claims that Christian communities in the state are facing systematic attacks from armed Fulani militias.
Haruna said the narrative that only Christians are victims of violence in Plateau is “misleading and one-sided,” insisting that Fulani communities have suffered even greater losses, often during what he described as “reprisal attacks” carried out by native militias.
According to Haruna, while Christian groups frequently claim genocide against their communities, Fulani families have been quietly burying their dead without media attention or public sympathy.
“There is also Fulani and cow genocide in Plateau State,” Haruna said in the statement. “More than 3,000 Fulani people and over 10,000 cows have been killed or stolen in Bokkos, Barkin Ladi, Mangu, Riyom, and Bassa LGAs.”
He argued that if the killing of Christians is described as genocide by some leaders, then the scale of Fulani casualties should also be recognized as genocide.
“Are these killings also not enough to say there has been Fulani and cow genocide in Plateau State?” he asked.
Plateau State has been one of the most troubled flashpoints in Nigeria for more than two decades. Tensions between farming communities—who are mostly indigenous Christian ethnic groups—and Fulani herders have repeatedly led to deadly clashes. Many crises stem from disputes over land, grazing areas, political control, and historical grievances.
The early 2000s saw major outbreaks of violence in Jos and surrounding LGAs. These crises have continued sporadically, with large-scale clashes recorded in 2001, 2004, 2008, 2010, and in recent years across Mangu, Bokkos, and Riyom. Each side—Christian communities and Fulani herders—often presents competing accounts of who the aggressors are, leading to deep mistrust and polarised narratives.
While Christian communities accuse Fulani militias of carrying out coordinated attacks on villages, Fulani groups claim their members are often killed in retaliation or in unreported attacks by what they call “native militias.”
The CPFF statement was specifically directed at comments made by Rev. Ezekiel Dachomo, a prominent Plateau pastor, who has repeatedly accused Fulani groups of targeted killings of Christians. Haruna said the group had refrained from responding to Dachomo in the past, but his recent videos and public statements made it necessary to present what he called “the Fulani side of the story.”
“Ordinarily, we would not have responded to Rev. Dachomo’s regular accusations,” Haruna said. “But with the way he releases videos and makes statements every day, we are compelled to let the world know there have also been several cases of Fulani genocide in the state.”
Haruna also referenced a recent comment by controversial Islamic cleric Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who alleged that some Christian communities in Plateau bury empty caskets to create the impression of mass graves and attract international sympathy.
“Our revered Sheikh Ahmad Gumi did not mince words when he said Christians bury empty caskets in mass graves to deceive the world,” Haruna said. “We believe him completely.”
He challenged Rev. Dachomo to dig up the alleged Christian mass graves to prove they contain real bodies and said the Fulani community could also be forced to exhume some of their own graves to show the number of Fulani victims.
He stressed that while it goes against Fulani tradition to count the dead or disturb graves, the CPFF may reconsider if it becomes necessary to counter what he described as “false propaganda.”
The group also accused Plateau-based media organizations of ignoring Fulani casualties while giving heavy attention to incidents involving Christian victims.
“Fulani people have been at the receiving end of mass killings… but these incidents are not being reported by the media in the state because most of them are run by Christians,” Haruna claimed. “Once a few Christians become victims in reprisal attacks, the story becomes headline news with outrageous figures.”
He insisted that the death toll among Fulani communities is under-reported and often erased from public discussions about the conflict.
Haruna listed several local government areas where Fulani people have allegedly suffered repeated attacks:
Bokkos
Barkin Ladi
Mangu
Riyom
Bassa
These areas have experienced some of the deadliest clashes in Plateau’s history, with villages burnt, cattle rustled, and communities displaced. In many cases, both Fulani and Christian residents have traded accusations of attack and retaliation.
While the CPFF used strong language in its statement, the underlying message was a call for balanced reporting, fair acknowledgment of losses on all sides, and a more honest conversation about the long-running conflict.
Haruna suggested that propaganda, selective reporting, and one-sided narratives make it difficult to find lasting peace in Plateau State.
“We have lost over 3,000 Fulani people, including men, women, and children, in the past 10 years,” he said. “Is this not enough to tag it a Fulani genocide?”
Plateau’s conflict has drawn national and international attention for years. Successive governments have set up panels, commissions of inquiry, and peace initiatives, but deep distrust between communities has made progress slow.
